American White Working Class Racists
THE WOBBLIES
Militant White Unionists
Historically, white males have made up the largest segment of the
membership of organized labor in the U.S. Yet, for the last
several decades union leaders have entered into contracts with
employers that encourage and often mandate preferential treatment
in hiring and promotion for nonwhites and white females. Union
dues paid by white males have been used to support causes and
political candidates advocating discrimination not only against
themselves, but also against their fathers, brothers and sons.[1]
White members of organized labor are apparently ignoring the fact
that they are being pitted against each other. Nor do white
females seem to care that they are being aligned with minorities
against their own sons, brothers and fathers. White union members
act as if they have totally forgotten that labor unions in this
country were built on the toil and suffering of white, not
nonwhite, workers.
The history of the militant Industrial Workers of the World
is illustrative of what whites endured to establish labor unions in
this country. The IWW was founded at what was termed the
"Continental Congress of the Working Class," held in Chicago in
the winter of 1905. Present were several hundred delegates from 34
local, state, district and national labor organizations. On the
platform were such veteran labor leaders as William D. ("Big
Bill") Haywood, treasurer of the Western Federation of Miners;
Daniel DeLeon, head of the Socialist Labor Party, Lucy Parson,
whose husband, Alfred, was executed for his alleged involvement in
the Chicago Haymarket Square bloodbath; Mother Jones, elderly
union organizer; and Eugene V. Debs, secretary-treasurer of the Brotherhood
of Locomotive Firemen. All were white, as were their followers.
The IWW took a position sharply at variance with its chief rival,
the conservative American Federation of Labor. Samuel Gompers and
the AFL came under the partial control of John D. Rockefeller Jr.
and other prominent financial oligarchs when they joined the
Rockefeller financed National Civic Federation, "dedicated to the
fostering of harmony and collaboration between capital and
organized labor." The NCF brought organized white workers into
what is cynically termed "company" and later "open shop" unions.
Taking the position that the "working class and the employing
class have nothing in common," the IWW favored "one big union"
rather than "the Separation of Labor" proposed by the AFL.
"Big Bill" Haywood, who became the IWW's most visible leader, was
a giant of a man who had lost the sight in his right eye in a
childhood accident, which is why he often posed for pictures
profiling his left side. He told the 1905 conference, "We are
going down in the gutter to get the mass of workers and bring them
up to a decent plane of living."
In 1905, before the forming of the IWW, a former governor of Idaho
was killed in a bomb blast. Almost immediately the Pinkerton
Detective Agency, initially formed to fight unions, was called in.
The crime was attributed to Haywood and two other labor leaders.
Sensational media coverage was given to the trio's arrest and
trial proceedings. Even President Theodore Roosevelt got in the
act by condemning the accused union leaders and declaring them
"undesirable citizens."
A defense support group was established, with Clarence Darrow,
noted labor and criminal attorney, serving as defense counsel.
Darrow told the jury: "Don't be so blind . . . as to believe that
when you make three fresh graves, you will kill the labor
movement. . . ." Haywood and his two companions were found not
guilty and freed.
When news of the acquittal reached mining camps of the West, the
rejoicing could be heard for miles. "in Goldfield when I was there
later," Haywood recorded years afterward, "they showed me the
dents that had been made in the mahogany bars in the saloons by
the hobnails of the boys who had danced to celebrate their joy at
my release. There is no way of estimating how much whiskey was
drunk for the occasion. . . ."
The Wobblies, as the IWW members were sometimes called, developed
the practice Of using "flaming" rhetoric that made free use of
such terms as "sabotage" and "direct action." Such pejorative
terms were used to discredit the union in the eyes of working
people. Despite the antilabor propaganda, historians Philip Taft
and Philip Ross in "American Labor Violence: Its Causes, Character
and Outcome" in the 'History of Violence in America', found that
IWW activity was virtually free of violence. Interestingly, the
only speaker to advocate rough stuff at a meeting in the IWW hall
at Everett (WA) was later exposed as a private detective.
Several IWW recruiters lost their lives as a result of their union
activities. Frank Little, an organizer during a strike of miners
in Butte (MT) in 1913, was seized by an armed mob, beaten and
hanged from a railroad trestle. In 1919, Wesley Everest, in charge
of organizing lumber workers in Centralia (WA), was still in his
WWI "doughboy" military uniform when the local IWW headquarters
was broken into and he was tied up and led away. "You haven't got
the guts to lynch a man in the daytime," Everest challenged his
captors. That night he was mutilated, shot and lynched.
In 1914, a young IWW organizer and songwriter, Joe Hill, was
arrested in Salt Lake City and charged with the robbery and murder
of a shopkeeper and his son. A predecessor of labor balladeer
Woodrow "Woody" Guthrie, Hill wrote songs sung by thousands on
picket lines. They included 'Casey Jones', 'Pie in the Sky',
'Preacher and the Slave' and 'The Rebel Girl'. Many of Hill's
rooters believed he was framed. His arrest and conviction became
an international cause celebre. On the eve of his execution, while
in his Death Row cell, he penned:
My will is easy to decide,
For there is nothing to divide.
My kin don't need to fuss and moan--
"Moss does not cling to a rolling stone."
My body? Ah, if I could choose,
I would to ashes it reduce.
And let the merry breezes blow
My dust to where some flowers grow.
Perhaps some fading flower then
Would come to life and bloom again.
This is my last and final will,
Good luck to all of you, Joe Hill.
A firing squad ended his life the next day. His last words were:
"Don't waste time in mourning. Organize!"
Strike-breaking on the grand scale
According to a 1913 report of the U.S. Commission on Industrial
Relations, miners in Ludlow (CO) were compelled to live and work
under intolerable conditions:
Many camp marshals, whose appointments and salaries are controlled
by local companies, have exercised a system of espionage and have
resorted to arbitrary powers of police control, acting in the
capacity of judge and jury . . .
. . . Miners generally fear to complain of real grievances because
of the danger of their discharge or their being placed in
unfavorable positions in the mines.
In the autumn of 1913 there was war between members of the
IWW-affiliated United Mine Workers and the Rockefeller-owned
Colorado Fuel & Iron Company. Rather than grant union recognition
or address legitimate grievances, Rockefeller was determined to
utilize the government-assisted, strong-arm tactics.
More than 9,000 miners and their families left company property
and set up tents on some adjacent land. Living on near-starvation
rations, they were prepared to stay out of the mine pits until
Rockefeller agreed to improve working conditions. They were mainly
protesting against being forced to live in a company town, being
paid in company scrip, and being required to work more than an
eight-hour day, the latter in violation of a 1901 amendment to
Colorado's constitution. In addition, the strikers complained
about unsafe working conditions that had resulted in the deaths of
hundreds of men being killed in accidents each year. "They value a
mule more . . . highly than a human being," one union leader
commented.
The strike continued through the freezing winter months of
1913-14. Eventually, following continuing pressure by Rockefeller
on state officials, the militia, armed with machine guns and
rifles, was called in.[2] After a series of unsuccessful attempts
to dislodge the strikers and their families, state troopers
riddled the tents with bullets while women and children crawled
into holes to escape the onslaught. Government troops poured oil
on the tents and set them ablaze. Eleven children and two women
were burned to death.
Many strikers managed to escape to the hills where other workers
joined them in a running battle with the troopers. Activated by
unfavorable press coverage of the carnage, President Woodrow
Wilson, after consulting with Rockefeller, sent in federal troops
to disarm the strikers and, ostensibly, the state troopers. But
not before 33 white men, women and children had been shot or
burned to death. Today, a neglected monument stands in Ludlow,
with the inscription: IN MEMORY OF THE MEN, WOMEN AND CHILDREN WHO LOST
THEIR LIVES IN FREEDOM'S CAUSE AT LUDLOW, COLORADO, APRIL 20, 1914.
War clouds thickened in the spring of 1914 with the assassination
of Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to the throne of
Austria-Hungary. To persuade white workers to give their lives and
limbs, as well as their tax dollars, on behalf of a war thousands
of miles away, the establishment mounted a hell-bent-for-leather
propaganda campaign. High school bands playing martial music and
led by attractive baton-twirling cheerleaders crisscrossed the
country to stimulate support for America's entrance into WWI.
Prominent among the isolationist factions that believed the U.S.
should stay out of the distant war in Europe was the IWW. In a
July 1917 meeting of the union's General Executive Board in
Chicago, this statement was issued and approved:
Since its inception our organization has opposed all national and
imperialistic wars. . . . Our songs, our literature, the sentiment
of the entire membership -- the very spirit of our union -- give
evidence of our unalterable opposition to both capitalism and its wars.
The workers who spoke out against the war were labeled by the
government and controlled media as "anarchists." Claiming the IWW
was "hampering the war effort," federal agents raided dozens of
IWW offices in cities across the country. Hundreds of workers,
some IWW members, some not, were rounded up and arrested,
including Haywood and others who belonged to the IWW Executive Board.
Almost 100 IWW leaders were prosecuted in a show trial in Chicago.
Nearly all were found guilty. Many served long prison terms. In a
separate incident, Eugene Debs was sentenced to 10 years in jail
for speaking against the war. From a cell in the Atlanta Federal
Prison the 71-year-old Debs ran for president in 1920 on the
Socialist Party platform. He garnered 920,000 votes.
For the past several decades the AFL-CIO and other unions have
been losing members and prestige. Jobs formerly held by white
union workers are now going to low-paid nonwhites in Third World
countries. While the Democrat president they supported joined with
Republicans to pass so-called trade agreements such as NAFTA and
GATT, and "loaned" Mexico and other countries tens of billions of
dollars either directly or through the World Bank, the unions'
main concern has been to promote and enforce the dictates of
antiwhite political correctness in this country.
The embracing of nonwhites by today's unions at the expense of
white males must have the original union organizers and their
followers turning in their collective graves.[3] In the past
nonwhites have been eager to act as strike-breakers and "scabs"
when whites attempted to unionize or strike for better wages and
working conditions. But in 1855, when New York longshoremen struck
against a wage reduction, blacks were hired as replacements. In
the pre Civil War period, when Louisville (KY) bricklayers
attempted to reduce their work day to 10 hours, blacks rushed in
to take their jobs. In the 1870s thousands of Chinese were
transported to America to replace striking white railroad
construction workers. In the late 1800s and early 1900s, southern
blacks gleefully trekked North to replace striking miners in
Pennsylvania. During one strike in Illinois, Company recruiters
were swamped with volunteers after distributing a leaflet
proclaiming: "WANTED! 175 Good Colored Miners for Virden (IL).
Transportation will be Provided." Today illegal aliens are quick
to accept construction and other jobs that would normally go to
union workers.
White workers who brought unions to this country at a heavy cost
to themselves and their families have all but been abandoned today
by organized labor. Instead of reorganizing in race based unions,
white workers, along with their leaders, continue to bury their
heads in the sand.
EDWARD KERLING
Instauration, Jan. 1996
Footnotes:
1. Union leaders also gave millions of dollars of members' dues to
support Nelson Mandela's successful campaign to gain black control
of South Africa. They were also in the forefront of those who
succeeded in instituting the campaign of corporate disinvestment,
economic boycott and diplomatic isolation of South Africa, which
brought about the end of white leadership. Today, now that it is
falling almost completely under nonwhite control, American union
leaders champion sending hundreds of millions of dollars annually
to what was once the prosperous White Tip.
2. Financier Jay Could once bragged that he could "hire onehalf of
the working class to kill the other half." William Cahn, A
Pictorial History of American Labor (NY: Crown Publishing, 1972),
p. 156.
3. See Edward Kerling, "Racial Views of Early American
Socialists" Instauration, Jan. 1995.
____________
Initial Sources:
VNN: Instauration, Jan. 1996, pp. 11-13.
Stormfront: White Workers Unions in USA Instauration
Today in the Americas, the Wobblies
Socialists Split with IWW
KikeJews Destroy White Socialism
Drive Wedge Between Debs and Haywood!
Although the IWW was built on the basis of uniting workers of
industry, a rift began between the union and the Socialist Party.
The split began when the [KikeJew] wing of the Socialist Party led
by Victor Berger and Morris Hillquit became irritated with
speeches by Big Bill Haywood. In December 1911, Haywood told a Lower
East Side audience at New York's Cooper Union that parliamentary
Socialists were "step-at-a-time people whose every step is just a
little shorter than the preceding step." It was better, Haywood
said, to "elect the superintendent of some branch of industry,
than to elect some congressman to the United States Congress." In
response, Hillquit attacked the IWW as "purely anarchistic..."
The Cooper Union speech was the beginning of a split between Bill
Haywood and the Socialist Party, leading to the split between the
factions of the IWW, one faction loyal to the Socialist Party, and
the other to Haywood. The rift presented a problem for Eugene V.
Debs, who was influential in both the IWW and the Socialist Party.
The final straw between Haywood and the Socialist Party came
during the Lawrence textile strike when, disgusted with the
decision of the elected officials in Lawrence, Massachusetts to
send police who subsequently used their clubs on children, Haywood
publicly declared that "I will not vote again" until such a
circumstance was rectified.
Haywood was purged from the National Executive Committee by
passage of an amendment that focused on the direct action and
sabotage tactics advocated by the IWW.
The Iron Heel in Ludlow Colorado
The IWW-Socialist split permanently weakened labor unification for the
White Race. Capitalists were encouraged to demand lower wages and renew
scabbing. Almost immediately, the KikeJew/Rockefeller connection resulted
in the Ludlow Massacre!
Debs was probably the only person who might have saved Haywood's
seat. In 1906, when Haywood had been on trial for his life in
Idaho, Debs had described him as "the Lincoln of Labor" and called
for Haywood to run against Theodore Roosevelt for president of the
United States. But times had changed and Debs, facing a split in
the Party, chose to echo Hillquit's words, accusing the IWW of
representing anarchy. Debs thereafter stated that he had opposed
the amendment, but once it was adopted, it should be obeyed. Debs
remained friendly to Haywood and the IWW after the expulsion,
despite their perceived differences over IWW tactics.
Prior to Haywood's dismissal, the Socialist Party membership had
reached an all-time high of 135,000. One year later, four months
after Haywood was recalled, the membership dropped to 80,000. The
reformists in the Socialist Party attributed the decline to the
departure of the "Haywood element," and predicted that the party
would recover. But it did not. In the election of 1912, many of
the Socialists who had been elected to public office lost their seats.
____________
Source:
Eugene V. Debs
Big Bill Haywood
February 4, 1869 -- May 18, 1928
White Race Socialism
Racial Views of Early American Socialists
Those not up to snuff in American history may be surprised to
learn that many organizations that today champion nonwhite over
white rights, the American Federation of Labor and the Democratic
Party to name two, were founded by white racialists. The same
could be said about the founders of the Socialist Party (U.S.).
In the heyday of American socialism (1897-1912), the Socialist
Party had over 150,000 dues-paying members, elected more than
2,000 of them to political office, published hundreds of
newspapers, secured passage of a considerable body of legislation,
and won the support of one third of the membership of the AFL. The
Socialist Party came into being in 1901, when the Social
Democratic Party merged with the Socialist Labor Party, bringing
together such diverse ideologues as Lassalleans, Marxists,
Bernsteinists and DeLeonists. Therefore it was no surprise that
the new party immediately developed right, center and left
factions. Some of the leftist groups were not socialists in the
true sense, but people who saw socialism only as a stepping-stone
to communism. Unlike the right, which viewed the socialist
movement as a tool to economic reform, many on the left wanted it
to effect the equalization of all races and all nations.
The right faction was led by the Austrian-born Victor L. Berger*.
After attending universities in Budapest and Vienna, he emigrated
to America and settled in Milwaukee, where he was a public
schoolteacher until 1892, when he assumed the editorship of Die
Wahrheit, the German language daily of the Socialist Labor Party.
Following the organization of the American Socialist Party, Berger
was appointed editor of its weekly newspaper, the
Social-Democratic Herald, which he moved from Chicago to
Milwaukee. In 1902, in order to devote more time to his paper, to
journalism and to the difficult task of making a living while
agitating for socialism, Berger appointed Frederic Health, his
right-hand man in Wisconsin, as editor of the Herald, though
Berger continued to contribute long front-page weekly articles
devoted to party policy. Under the Berger-Health leadership, the
publication soon attained a circulation of 60,000. In 1910, Berger
was elected to Congress on the Socialist Party ticket, where he
served two terms.
The socialist movement in America had originally been developed by
immigrants, mainly from Germany. Although a significant percentage
of its early membership was foreign-born, the party showed little
concern for the rights of any immigrants but Anglo-Saxons. Since
other population groups were not targeted for recruitment by the
party, membership drives were conducted by independent socialist
organizations. The lack of propaganda and organizational work
among the non-Anglo-Saxon foreign-born was due in large part to
the racial views of the vast majority of party members, as well as
a desire to placate AFL leaders and to get their backing for the
party's candidates.
[Here begins the effect of KikeJew infiltration: the destruction of
White Socialism.]
The original attitude of American socialists towards the
immigration problem was that it was a "fake issue" invented by
capitalists, who also invented the divisive issues of tariffs,
free silver and anti-imperialism. The task of socialists,
therefore, was to expose immigration as another diversion. By
1904, however, the racialist and nationalist views of most
Socialist Party members led the American delegate to the
International Socialist Congress, Morris Hillquit**, to join Dutch
and Australian delegations in sponsoring a resolution calling for
the overall restriction of the immigration of "backward races."
The resolution was defeated.
Between 1904 and 1907 the virulence of attacks on Chinese and
Japanese immigration on the west coast by the socialist press had
risen to such heights that the Japanese Socialist Party appealed
to American party leaders "to be true to the exhortation of Marx:
'Workingmen of all countries, unite.'" Although it made no formal
response to this demand, in March 1907 the Socialist Party's
National Executive Committee passed an immigration resolution to
be presented to the International Socialist Congress at Stuttgart,
Germany. The resolution called on all socialist parties to educate
immigrants in the principles of socialism and trade unionism, but
at the same time "to combat with all means at their command the
willful importation of cheap foreign labor calculated to destroy
labor organizations, to lower the standard of living of the
working class, and to retard the ultimate realization of socialism."
Hillquit, a member of the American delegation, interpreted the
Executive Committee resolution as being opposed to "artificially
stimulated" immigration, as well as to the immigration of workers
from industrially backward countries "who are incapable of
assimilation with the workingmen of the country of their
adoption." The Chinese should be excluded, whereas the exclusion
of other races would be decided as the issue arose. The
International Socialist Congress rejected the American resolution.
Instead it passed a resolution condemning as reactionary and of no
benefit to the working class, all measures designed to restrict
freedom of immigration on racial or national grounds.
The right and center factions of the American Socialist Party, as
well as some leftist groups, were outraged. Berger denounced the
American delegates as a band of "intellectuals" who had betrayed
the American proletariat by going on record as supporting the
admission of "Jap" and "Chinaman coolies" into the United States.
"If we are ever to have socialism in America and Canada," said
Berger, "we must keep them white man's countries." Ernest
Untermann, a centrist, and considered by many to be the leading
Marxist theoretician in America, affirmed that the race question
would continue long after the class struggle had ended. "The
question as to what race shall dominate the globe must be met as
surely as the question as to what class shall own the world."
Herman Titus, of the party's left wing, wrote that the racial bias
of many west coast socialists was based on racial incompatibility.
"No amount of Proletarian Solidarity or international Unity can
ignore it. We must face facts."
At the party's National Executive Committee meeting in December
1907, Berger and Untermann moved to reject the Stuttgart
resolution and re-adopt the Committee's statement as official
Socialist Party policy. Stating that America already had one race
problem, Berger warned, if something was not done at once, this
land "is absolutely sure to become a black-and-yellow country
within a few generations." After much politicking, Berger and
Untermann agreed to accept a substitute motion declaring that the
International Congress had no power to determine the tactics of
the national parties and that the American Socialist Party "must
stand in opposition to Asiatic immigration."
In March 1908, the Committee endorsed the resolution but only
insofar as it applied to laborers "coming from Oriental countries,
or others backward in economic development, where the workers of
such countries have shown themselves, as a body, to be
unapproachable to the philosophy of socialism." This resolution
set the pattern for all future ones designed to restrict
immigration, while at the same time absolving the party from the
charge of betraying international socialism.
The 1908 Socialist Party convention provided the opportunity for
the first full-scale debate on immigration. Long and bitter, it
came comparatively early. The Resolutions Committee finally
reported that it had been able to reach this compromise: The
controlling principle of the socialist movement was the interest
of the working class, and to deny the right of the American
working class to protect its standard of living from the
competition of "imported foreign laborers" was "to set a bourgeois
Utopian ideal above the class struggle." Therefore, the Socialist
Party opposed all immigration "subsidized or stimulated by the
capitalist class."
The resolution did not endorse exclusion openly, but placed
undesirable immigration under the heading of "capitalist
stimulation." It was attacked both by those who favored exclusion
and by those who opposed all restrictions on immigration. It was
approved by people in both camps who thought the resolution could
be interpreted to support their position rather than that of their
opponents. The one point on which a large majority agreed was a
proposal by A. Grant Miller of Colorado, who said that to permit
the hordes of immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe and Asia
to invade the country would lower the level of American
civilization. Biological facts, Miller declared, could not be ignored.
Some delegates to the 1908 convention favored an immediate end to
all immigration, but Untermann focused the debate on the race
question by proclaiming that exclusion should not be solely on
economic grounds. That, he said, would exclude desirable whites.
"I am determined that my race shall be supreme in this country and
in the world," Untermann proclaimed. Echoing his colleagues,
Berger warned that the white race could not hope to compete in a
propagation contest with the yellow race. When some critics
informed the delegates that they were themselves immigrants or
descendants of immigrants, the latter responded by saying the
descendants of white immigrants were working to raise living
standards, while Orientals were not.
At the 1910 Socialist Party Congress a majority of the Committee
on Immigration, led by Hillquit, submitted a resolution calling
for the "unconditional exclusion" of all Mongolian races because
their backwardness constituted a menace to "the most aggressive,
militant and intelligent elements of our working class
population." It was stated that America was already afflicted with
a Negro problem and intensifying the racial conflict by Oriental
immigration would relegate "the class war to the rear by weakening
the political and economic labor organizations and substituting an
Asiatic middle class with a lower standard of living than the American."
The Committee's resolution also reminded socialists that refusal
to exclude certain races and nationalities "would place the
Socialist Party in opposition to the most militant and intelligent
portion of the organized workers of the United States [the AFL],
those whose assistance is indispensable to the purpose of
elevating the Socialist Party to political power."
Debate lasted two full days. Untermann held to the view that the
immigration question gave the party an opportunity to show its
European comrades that it was able to apply Marxist principles to
the American situation. The law of self-preservation required the
defense of American citizenry rather than the emphasis of "some
ultimate ideal." He granted that Marx had called on all workingmen
to unite, but that did not mean they must all come to the United
States to unite. If the different races were compelled to
amalgamate, evolution would again reproduce exactly the same races
"struggling with each other for survival." American experience
with Negroes in the South proved that white socialists could not
work with Asiatics. As for the Asians already in the country, Untermann
said they should "get out of America and give it back to Americans."
Berger championed Untermann's position by insisting that Asian
immigration was not merely a question of economics. Civilization
itself was at issue. "I will fight for my wife and children; I
will fight for my neighbor's wife and children; I will fight for
all your wives and children against immigration."
The resolution was adopted by a vote of 55 to 50. At the 1912
convention, the majority of the Committee on Immigration, with
Untermann still acting as chairman, brought in a resolution which
made the 1910 majority report seem almost pro-Asian. The new
resolution asserted that racial views were a product of biology
and therefore could not be eradicated. Racial antagonism would
persist under socialism and play an important part in economic
life. "If it should not assert itself in open warfare under a
socialist form of society, it will nevertheless lead to a rivalry
of races for expansion over the globe as a result of natural and
sexual selection." Because it was introduced in the closing hours
of the convention, it was not voted upon.
Socialists in general tended to put the Negro question on a par
with the immigration issue though without moving an inch towards
Negro equality. Three Negro delegates attended the Socialist Unity
Convention in 1901. At the insistence of one delegate, William
Costly of San Francisco, a resolution was finally passed declaring
the party's sympathy for Negroes, who were urged to join the
socialist movement and vote their way to emancipation. The
resolution was adopted, however, only after repeated revisions had
left weary delegates expressing their indifference by passing
numerous motions to table. This was the only resolution for Negro
rights ever passed by an American socialist body from 1901 through 1912.
In an article in the Social-Democratic Herald (May 31, 1902),
Victor Berger wrote, "There can be no doubt that the Negroes and
mulattoes constitute a lower race." In an earlier issue (Sept. 14,
1901), the socialist publication characterized Negroes as being "inferior,
depraved elements, who went around raping women and children."
In September 1903, socialist party groups in Louisiana met to form
a state organization. They adopted a platform advocating the
"separation of the black and white races into separate
communities, each race to have charge of its own affairs." The
party's National Committee requested an explanation from the
Louisiana socialists, who replied that the race instinct would
never permit intermingling; that the Democratic Party was already
accusing the socialists of favoring social equality; and that
steps had to be taken to prevent the swamping of the Socialist
Party by Negroes, who had no other party to join.
The National Committee voted to withhold Louisiana's charter until
the "Negro clause" was deleted. Officials explained that the party
could not have such language in its official documents. The
question of segregation could be taken up after socialism had been
achieved. In the meantime the party should concentrate itself on
economic issues only. The Louisiana local meekly capitulated.
Party leaders differed as to the causes of white racial bias
towards blacks. Some on the left laid the blame on deliberate
incitement by capitalists to create white/black antagonism for the
purpose of exploiting both races. Some on the right declared that
whites disliked Negroes because blacks were considered to be a
degenerate species. White females "depraved" enough to associate
with Negroes did so because capitalism prevented them from earning
a living "in a natural way." Socialism, it was asserted, would put
an end to such degeneration.
The indifference of the party towards violence against Negroes
brought an inquiry in 1909 from the International Socialist
Bureau, with which the American Socialist Party was affiliated,
regarding its attitude towards lynching. The Executive Board of
the party informed the Bureau that economic conditions under
capitalism fostered brutal criminal instincts that caused the
victims of society to retaliate against their "enemies" with
lynching bees.
The Socialist Party pointed out that nothing less than the
abolition of the capitalist system could provide conditions under
which the kleptomaniacs, sexual maniacs and all other offensive
human beings would cease to be begotten or produced. The
International Socialist Bureau was content with this explanation.
Despite differences of opinion as to what caused race bias,
Socialist Party rightists, centrists and many leftists agreed that
both white and black workers should receive a fair share of what
they produced. But that did not mean that the two races should
work in the same factories or even live in the same cities. The
majority of socialists believed that whites and blacks did not
want to associate. It was capitalism that forced them to live and
work together. Socialism would solve the race problem in the only
possible way -- complete segregation.
Some socialists took a harder line on Negroes than others. Writing
in the August 1910 issue of Wilshire's, a Canadian socialist
monthly with 100,000 circulation, Gaylord Wilshire suggested that
since American blacks could not respect property, they should be
disenfranchised at once. There were no blacks in party locals in
the South, but right and center socialists insisted that this was
not due to discrimination.
In 1906, President Theodore Roosevelt dismissed without trial
three companies of black troops following their involvement in a
race riot at Brownsville (TX). When members of the Socialist
Party's National Committee moved to condemn Roosevelt's action,
the right and center objected to the "attempt to inject the Negro
question into the Socialist Party." The left objected because the
army was a "capitalist tool" and socialists should not be
interested in military justice. The motion was defeated 53 to 4.
From its birth in 1901 to 1912, the American Socialist Party grew
from less than 10,000 to 150,000 members, increasing its voting
strength from 95,000 to 900,000. The year 1912, however, signaled
the beginning of the end of the right-center control of the party
and the start of the decimation of the party's membership. In the
1920 presidential race, Eugene V. Debs won nearly one million
votes running on the Socialist Party ticket. But Debs's large vote
was due more to voter sympathy with his imprisonment for opposing
involvement in WWI than support for the Socialist Party platform.
Debs, who was president of the American Railway Union, was
recruited into the party by Victor Berger.
EDWARD KERLING
Instauration, Jan. 1995
____________
Source:
VNN: Instauration, Jan. 1995, pp. 5-7.
Top KikeJew Infiltrators:
*Victor Louis (Luitpold) Berger
**Moishe Hillkowitz
US(?) NAVY
I would not be so sure about the US Navy's ability to
defend the US considering how it is set up today, and in fact for the last
fifty years.
I was in the Navy on four different ships and the whole Navy is
setup for overseas operations. While in the US, most ships are
short on crew, munitions and funds for supplies. It is not until
you start getting ready for overseas deployment that you are
brought up to full strength on crew, munitions and funding.
If you ever see a US Navy base, such as Norfolk or San Diego, you
will see lots of US Navy ships lining the piers, yet in fact most
of those ships are barely armed and have only a token amount of
ammo on board. Even during the Cold War when I was on a destroyer
and a frigate, we hardly ever even ran anti-sub operations off the
US coast, and then only to get qualified for overseas deployment.
In fact, we had so few weapons on board that if war had broken out
during one of those training exercises we would have had to sail
back into port just to load up ammo to be able to fight.
And this is not just a Navy policy, I have talked to Army,
Marines, Air Force and for the most part they are set up the same
way. The US is only a training and supply base for US overseas
operations, most military forces in the US are in the same state
as the US Navy, with low priority for men, ammo and supplies and
it's only when getting ready for deployment that you are brought
up to full strength.
The US military has basically given up defending the US; it is set
up to defend the US world wide "interests". Those interests being
the interests of the globalist politicians and businesses that
control the US government, and of course with special exceptions
for our best friend in the Middle East, Israel.
[Is this the REAL reason the Oath Keepers were
deployed? To be transformed into a 'Home Defense Force' when needed because
otherwise the 'Homeland' is defenseless -- the KikeJew controlled
government having sent the most effective military overseas for Israel? -- Ed.]
E N D
.
Jew T H I N K
!!!
PAN
ARYAN
INSURGENT
NATION
